Archive for ambiguity
July 5, 2023 @ 6:30 am· Filed by Mark Liberman under ambiguity, coordination
"Alligator Kills 69-Year-Old Woman in South Carolina", NYT 7/4/2023:
A 69-year-old woman was attacked and killed by an alligator on Tuesday as she was walking her dog in her neighborhood in Hilton Head Island, S.C., the authorities said.
The Beaufort County Sheriff’s Office said it was the second fatal alligator attack in the county in less than a year. […]
Jay Butfiloski, the furbearer and alligator program coordinator with the state’s Natural Resources Department, could not be reached on Tuesday.
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December 2, 2020 @ 4:11 pm· Filed by Neal Goldfarb under ambiguity, Ambiguity, Language and the law, Psycholinguistics, Syntax
Previously: Robocalls, legal interpretation, and Bryan Garner
All three canons that are in play in Facebook v. Duguid (the Last Antecedent, Series Qualifier, and Nearest Reasonable Referent Canons) have precursors in U.S. and English caselaw. That’s no surprise, given that all 57 canons in Reading Law are presented as being well established in the law. But as my last post noted, each canon departs from the previous caselaw in one respect or another. And in the case of the Series Qualifier Canon, the departure is quite substantial.
To lay the groundwork necessary in order to describe those departures, this post will summarize the prior law from which the three canons deviate.
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November 30, 2020 @ 9:48 pm· Filed by Neal Goldfarb under ambiguity, Language and the law, Syntax
A few weeks ago, Mark’s post “Lawyers as linguists” alerted me to Facebook v. Duguid, a case now pending before the Supreme Court, which grabbed my attention for several reasons. First, the case presents an interesting linguistic issue. Second, the parties on both sides have framed their linguistic arguments in terms of three of the canons of interpretation in Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts (2012) the book coauthored Bryan Garner and the late Justice Antonin Scalia, and I’ve previously criticized the canons at issue (e.g., here). Finally, Garner himself is on the legal team representing the plaintiff, Noah Duguid.
An unusual confluence of circumstances.
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February 14, 2019 @ 11:27 am· Filed by Ben Zimmer under ambiguity, Animal communication, Syntax
Headline from the Bangor Daily News (Feb. 13, 2019): "Maine now holds the world record for most people calling a moose at the same time."
Screenshot for posterity:
Update: The headline has been changed to read, "Maine now holds the world record for simultaneous moose-calling."
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December 1, 2018 @ 12:57 pm· Filed by Mark Liberman under ambiguity, Syntax
Mark Puleo, "'Monster' earthquake shakes Anchorage, Alaska; Widespread damage reported", Accuweather 12/1/2018:
Gov. Bill Walker has issued a disaster declaration in Alaska in response to Friday’s earthquake, which was approved by President Donald Trump.
It's true that Senator Murkowski disagreed with President Trump on climate change, but approving an earthquake seems like a bit of an over-reaction.
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July 25, 2018 @ 4:54 pm· Filed by Neal Goldfarb under Ambiguity, ambiguity, coordination, Grammar, Language and the law, relative clauses, Syntax
Last week the Washington Post published an op-ed by Michael Anton arguing that the United States should do away with birthright citizenship—the principle that anyone born in the United States is a U.S. citizen, even if their parents are foreign-born noncitizens. The op-ed has attracted a lot of attention from people on both the left and the right, and by “attention” I mean “condemnation”. (E.g., Garrett Epps at The Atlantic, Mark Joseph Stern at Slate, Dan Drezner at the Washington Post, Robert Tracinski at The Federalist, Alex Nowraseth at The American Conservative, and Jonathan Adler at Volokh Conspiracy. See also this Vox explainer.)
The criticism both on on Anton’s nativism, but also on his interpretation of the 14th Amendment, on which birthright citizenship is based. One of the interpretive moves for which Anton has been criticized is his handling of a statement made on the floor of the Senate while the proposed text of the 14th Amendment was being debated. And that dispute turns on the resolution of a syntactic ambiguity.
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April 26, 2018 @ 7:38 am· Filed by Mark Liberman under ambiguity
Caitlin MacNeil, "Jackson Considers Withdrawing As VA Nominee As New Allegations Surface", TPM 4/26/2018:
Jackson denied the allegation that he crashed a government vehicle while drunk on Wednesday evening and told reporters he would press on in the confirmation process.
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April 17, 2018 @ 10:32 pm· Filed by Mark Liberman under ambiguity
By coincidence, today's email brought two contributions of links to remarkable examples of PP-attachment ambiguity.
The first one was the lede from this story — Jason Rosenbaum & Marshal Griffin, "Hawley: Evidence exists to charge Greitens for obtaining charity fundraising list", St. Louis Public Radio, 4/18/2018:
Attorney General Josh Hawley is asking the St. Louis circuit attorney to file criminal charges against Gov. Eric Greitens for allegedly illegally obtaining a fundraising list from a charity he founded for political purposes.
It took me a couple of re-reading to clarify the point that Mr. Greitens obtained the list for political purposes, not that he founded the charity for political purposes.
And in this headline, it's the man who was charged, not the woman he shot: "Man out of jail after 16 months for shooting Nashua woman charged with vicious beating of new girlfriend", NHangle.com 4/16/2018
[h/t John Lawler and Mark Mandel]
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February 9, 2018 @ 10:45 pm· Filed by Mark Liberman under ambiguity, Humor, Syntax
From the Washington Post:
Jan. 30, fine, but Jan. 31? Apology required.
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July 6, 2016 @ 4:28 pm· Filed by Barbara Partee under ambiguity, Grammar, Parsing
I was just reading along in the NYT today but had to pause at this sentence:
Mr. Trump has used bankruptcy laws to shield him from personal losses while his investors suffer.
I found myself puzzling over whether "him" was all right there or whether I wanted "himself", and even more puzzled that I was having trouble deciding. I would try out one, then the other, and the sentence kept shape-shifting on me. I didn't "feel" any particular ambiguity, and yet either choice would sound bad to me one second and good the next. Puzzled.
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June 25, 2015 @ 6:38 am· Filed by Barbara Partee under ambiguity, Morphology, Words words words
Linguist reads the paper: First sentence in Friedman's column begins "Let’s see, America is prepositioning battle tanks …" and before I got to the battle tanks I was surprised and wondering how 'preposition' could be used as a verb and what it could mean. (I'm of course seeing the word that starts with 'prep', had to be garden-pathed before I backtracked and saw the verb pre-position.)
I won't be surprised if readers of this blog had a similar first parse of my header – its occurrence in this blog will probably make that even more likely.
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June 22, 2015 @ 2:18 pm· Filed by Geoffrey K. Pullum under ambiguity, Semantics, Syntax
Talking of the possibly impending Grexit, what an unfortunate sentence The Economist chose to conclude its leader article on the ongoing Greek monetary crisis:
This marriage is not worth saving at any price.
A quirk of English syntax and semantics makes this radically ambiguous.
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December 1, 2014 @ 3:33 pm· Filed by Ben Zimmer under ambiguity, Crash blossoms, Language and the media, Syntax
CNN International recently sent out this tweet, linking to an interview with Stella McCartney:
The headline, which also appears on CNN's website, left some people perplexed. Was Ms. McCartney saying that her parents closed minds, or did they open closed minds?
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