Bronze, iron, gold, silver
« previous post | next post »
In our ongoing quest to link up linguistics with archeology, we have had numerous posts involving Iranian-speaking peoples spreading from west to east and bringing culture and language with them. When I say "culture", I mean technological as well as spiritual, artistic, architectural, and other aspects, plus social customs and political organization. Because the Iranian-speaking peoples were so active in spreading diverse manifestations of culture, I often refer to them as Kulturvermittlers par excellence.
Among the more prominent features of culture that Iranian-speaking peoples transmitted across Eurasia was metallurgy. That includes all four of the main metals: bronze, iron, gold, and silver. The first two were mainly for weapons and implements, and where they went, they transformed military affairs, agriculture, and daily life. The changes that bronze and iron brought about amounted to revolutions of civilization. Gold and silver were primarily for ornament and embellishment, and the Iranian-speaking people created breathtakingly beautiful works of art out of these precious metals
What prompted today's post was coming across this fascinating database of Eurasian silver vessels from the 3rd- to 13th-century, containing many Sogdian and Sasanian vessels. There is even a map of hoards, and one can click on each separate hoard in the menu. I was particularly intrigued by the continuity of Iranian iconography, e.g., weaponry and costume, but above all the persistence of the cross potent (☩ [U+2629]), which I have elsewhere written about as a sign of the magi, that already worked its way into the oracle bone script around 1200 BC.
In previous posts, we have described how the Iranian-speaking peoples were among the first to ride in chariots and to mount on horses, so we can think of them as being highly mobile. They were also responsible for the spread of key instruments and modes from the Middle East to Central Asia and thence to East Asia (more on that in forthcoming posts). So we can call the Iranian-speaking peoples masters of metallurgy, mobility, and music, but much more as well.
In their peregrinations across Eurasia, the Iranian-speaking peoples often encountered ethnic groups who spoke different languages. For example, during the medieval period, the Sogdians formed close alliances with Turkic-speaking peoples. In earlier times, Scythians lived in association with Tocharians. One thing we should keep an eye open for is evidence of exchanges between Germanic and Iranic peoples and between Finno-Ugric and Iranic peoples (documentation of such contacts does exist in specialist literature). Naturally, it is also essential to glean specific words that passed from one language to another, but just knowing such words themselves does not demonstrate how they got where they ended up. For that we need bones, bodies, burials, and artifacts — hard archeological evidence — and the symbolism they carry or convey.
Selected readings
- "The dissemination of iron and the spread of languages" (11/5/20)
- "Indo-European religion, Scythian philosophy, and the date of Zoroaster: a linguistic quibble" (10/9/20) — with a bibliography of numerous relevant previous posts
- "Sword out of the stone" (8/9/08) — see especially this comment
- "Trefoils across Eurasia: the importance of archeology for historical linguistics, part 4" (10/11/20)
- "Headless men with face on chest" (9/28/20)
- "The geographical, archeological, genetic, and linguistic origins of Tocharian" (7/14/20)
- "The importance of archeology for historical linguistics, part 3" (6/3/20)
- "The importance of archeology for historical linguistics" (5/1/20) — with a list of more than a dozen previous posts related to archeology and language
- "The importance of archeology for historical linguistics, part 2" (5/11/20)
- "Archeological and linguistic evidence for the wheel in East Asia" (3/11/20)
- "Of armaments and Old Sinitic reconstructions, part 6" (12/23/17) — particularly pertinent, and also draws on art history as well as archeology
- "Indo-European 'cow' and Old Sinitic Reconstructions: awesome" (1/16/20)
- "Horses, soma, riddles, magi, and animal style art in southern China" (11/11/19)
- "Middle Eastern harps and 'harp' in Eastern Central Asia" (12/10/20)
- "'Horse Master in IE and in Sinitic" (11/9/19)
- "'Horse' and 'language' in Korean" (10/30/19)
- "An early fourth century AD historical puzzle involving a Caucasian people in North China" (1/25/19)
- "Of horse riding and Old Sinitic reconstructions" (4/21/19)
- "Of reindeer and Old Sinitic reconstructions" (12/23/18)
- "Of precious swords and Old Sinitic reconstructions, part 5" (3/28/16)
- "Of dogs and Old Sinitic reconstructions" (3/7/18)
- "Of jackal and hide and Old Sinitic reconstructions" (12/16/18)
- "Galactic glimmers: of milk and Old Sinitic reconstructions" (1/8/19)
- "Mare, mǎ ('horse'), etc." (11/17/19)
- "The Names of Metals in the Turkic, Indo-European, and Finno-Ugric Languages"
- "Faces of ‘Siberian Tutankhamun’ and his ‘Queen’ buried 2,600 years ago reconstructed by science", by Olga Gertcyk and Svetlana Skarbo, The Siberian Times (1/8/21). Buried with vast amounts of gold and ornate metalwork. "The Arzhan-2 burial of the Scythian ‘King’ and the ‘Queen’, found in 1997 and studied between 2001-2003 by Russian-German expedition is one of the most extraordinary discoveries ever made by archeologists."
- J. P. Mallory, The Problem of Tocharian Origins: An Archaeological Perspective (Sino-Platonic Papers, 259 [Nov. 2015]; free pdf, 63 pp.)
- Victor H. Mair. "The Horse in Late Prehistoric China: Wresting Culture and Control from the 'Barbarians'." In Marsha Levine, Colin Renfrew and Katie Boyle, ed., Prehistoric steppe adaptation and the horse. McDonald Institute Monographs. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, 2004. Pp. 163-187.
- C. Scott Littleton, "Were Some of the Xinjiang Mummies 'Epi-Scythians'? An Excursus in Trans-Eurasian Folklore and Mythology." In Victor H. Mair, The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Peoples of Eastern Central Asia. Washington D.C. and Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Man and the University of Pennsylvania Museum, 1998. Vol. 2, pp. 746-766.
- C. Scott Littleton and Linda A. Malcor, From Scythia to Camelot: A Radical Reassessment of the Legends of King Arthur, the Knights of the Round Table, and the Holy Grail. New York and London: Garland, 1994; rev. pb. 2000. In the British journal, Religion, 28.3 (July, 1998), 294-300, I [VHM] wrote a review in which I pointed out that the celebrated motif of a mighty arm rising up out of the water holding aloft the hero's sword can also be found in a medieval Chinese tale from Dunhuang. That review is available electronically from ScienceDirect, if your library subscribes to it. Otherwise, I think this version on the Web is a fairly faithful copy.
- Andrew Sherratt, "The Trans-Eurasian Exchange: The Prehistory of Chinese Relations with the West". In Victor H. Mair, ed., Contact and Exchange in the Ancient World. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006. Pp. 30-61. Especially important for the study of the spread of bronze technology from west to east.
- Barry Cunliffe. By Steppe, Desert, and Ocean: The Birth of Eurasia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015.
- The Forge and the Crucible: The Origins and Structures of Alchemy (French: Forgerons et alchimistes) is a 1956 book by the Romanian historian of religion, Mircea Eliade. It traces historical rites and symbols associated with mines, smiths, and other metal workers. An English translation by Stephen Corrin was published in 1962. (source)
[Thanks to Petya Andreeva]
Chris Button said,
January 29, 2021 @ 9:06 pm
Some random remarks with lots of nice ə/a alternations:
I tend to support the idea that 金 *kə̀m "gold" is attested in the oracle-bones. I do think it is related to 柑 *kám "orange"
https://languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu/nll/?p=47623#comment-1576023
銅 *láŋʷ "copper" is related to 彤 *lə́ŋʷ "red, vermilion"
鐵 *ɬə́c "iron" seems related to 錫 *ɬác "tin" (where *ɬ- → s-) and perhaps was loaned into Balto-Slavic:
https://languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu/nll/?p=41832
R. Fenwick said,
January 30, 2021 @ 3:57 am
Intriguingly, the single Indo-Iranian metallurgical term borrowed into North-West Caucasian arises not from Iranian, but from Indic, via a very early loan at the Proto-North-West Caucasian level. Ubykh daʃʷanə́ ~ dáʃʷanə "silver", Proto-Circassian *tːəʒənə́, and Proto-Abkhaz-Abaza *raʥənə́ all go back to Proto-North-West Caucasian (my reconstruction) *raɖʐynə́ "id.", placing it firmly alongside Sanskrit árjunam "silver" in particular rather than any cognate of Proto-Indo-Iranian *ʜr̥j́atám "id." (cp. Avestan ərəzatam, Old Persian ardatam, Sanskrit rajatám "id."). There are some other strikingly clear Indic Kulturwörter reflected in Ubykh loans; I'm hoping to treat these in a paper in the near future.
Chris Button said,
January 30, 2021 @ 7:16 am
There is a suggestion that 銀 *ŋrə̀n "silver" is the source of Tocharian A nkiñc / Toch. B ñkante "silver".
Blažek (2018) has a good discussion about the proposal and ultimately rejects it. He is, however, too accepting of the Tibeto-Burman cognates of 銀 since there are phonological issues there too. Sagart (1999) notes that 銀 appears late in Chinese, but then still wants to directly associate the Tibeto-Burman forms. Rybatzki's (1994) discussion of Mongolian in relation to 銀 adds some more fodder to the mystery.
R. Fenwick said,
January 31, 2021 @ 8:53 am
The Chinese form is interesting indeed under the circumstances.
Though I can't speak to the relatedness of the Sino-Tibetan terms, on the Tocharian side I think Blažek is also far too quick to discard Witczak’s (1990) hypothesis proposing an origin in PIE *h₂reǵn̥tóm via the single slight irregularity of an assimilation to *h₂neǵn̥tóm. His alternative suggestion of a link to Sogdian n’ktync requires the acceptance of three phonologically quite separate irregularities (including a quite similar irregular assimilation, as well as a deletion by haplology and vocalic metathesis) on the grounds that these have Tocharian parallels. But these deformations are required before the Sogdian word ever hits Proto-Tocharian, undermining the relevance of these purely internal (i.e. characteristic of either Tocharian A or B, but not attested in both, therefore impossible to ascribe to the period of Proto-Tocharian unity) parallels.
Also, while true that *r…n → *n…n is not overtly attested in Tocharian, a very similar resonant assimilation of *r—*r…l → *l…l—is: cp. Toch B lakle ‘pain, suffering, sorrow’, most likely cognate with Homeric Greek λυγρός ‘miserable, unhappy’ (see Adams 2013. The Greek term could alternatively be a dissimilation, of course, but if these terms go back to PIE *lugRós (where *R is either *-l– or *-r-), the form we’re dealing with is a suffixally-stressed derivative of the zero-grade root (*leug-), making it probably a Caland adjective in *-ró– and suggesting that the Greek form is the archaic one.
Ultimately, I'm with Witczak. The assimilation PIE *h₂reǵn̥tóm → Late Pre-Proto-Toch IE *h₂neǵn̥tóm might not have exact internal parallels, but it’s a common enough sporadic sound change cross-linguistically, and from what I can find the descent from *h₂neǵn̥tóm into Tocharian B is thenceforth essentially regular (Toch A nkiñc, instead of the regularly-expected *nkänt, is probably a back-modelling from the derived adjective nkäñci ‘of silver, silvery’, with subsequent i-umlaut of the vowel in the vicinity of palatals, common in both Toch A and B). Also, the Toch A derivative nkäñci is paralleled by Toch B ñkañce, both showing fully regular descent from an IE *-yo-derivative (presumably Late Pre-Proto-Toch IE *h₂neǵn̥tyo– → Proto-Toch *näkä́ntye-), which further undermines a Sogdian origin.
Chris Button said,
January 31, 2021 @ 10:47 am
I think that's the crux of the issue regarding the validity of loanword origins.
When using the comparative method to reconstruct a proto-language, the evidence comes from the phonological basis of regular sounds laws. However, when loanwords are introduced, it becomes a question of surface phonetics and how those might be processed within the phonological system of the recipient language, which isn't going to match that of the donor.
Unfortunately, phonetics doesn't tend to play much of a role in historical reconstructions. A classic example would be the suggestion that Old Chinese had nasal prefixes that caused the voicing of obstruent onsets. Far more likely is that the nasalization resulted from the incompatibility of voicing with obstruents, which led to the use of nasalization as an articulatory mechanism to preserve the voicing (a phonetic phenomenon well-attested cross-linguistically).
There are still degrees of reasonableness, though. My ramblings over on the "Zoroaster/camel" thread (https://languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu/nll/?p=49974) about 駱 almost certainly stretch those boundaries too far (there's pretty much a way to make a linguistic argument around any sound change if you try hard enough). Nonetheless, the reason I threw those ideas out there on the off chance it would stimulate an idea from someone else is that there is sound evidence elsewhere that it must be a loan.
Given the antiquity of 駱, its specific horse rather than camel sense, and its interchange with other first syllables, I suspect that it most likely was added to 駝, representing (uš)tra-, internally and is unrelated to the source:
https://languagelog.ldc.upenn.edu/nll/?p=49974#comment-1582137
Chris Button said,
January 31, 2021 @ 10:50 am
It's probably worth adding that the loans don't tend to enter at the same time either, which just adds to the confusion.