Lawmakers last night approved a new redistricting map that completely reshapes most of the state's congressional seats into geographical configurations that snake, coil, zigzag and hopscotch across Massachusetts.

Despite protests from some sections of the state, the House, by a 95-58 vote, and the Senate, by a 24-13 vote, approved the plan that Gov. Weld and the Legislature's Democratic leadership had unveiled earlier in the day.

Weld was expected to sign the measure today.

With Weld and the Democrats pursuing their separate political agendas, the Beacon Hill leaders produced a 10-seat congressional map that rocked the state's political world, but appeared to bring to closure the most protracted congressional redistricting battle in the country.

The redistricting plan, a product of about 10 days of negotiations between Weld and legislative leaders, sparked a hot debate in the House yesterday afternoon.

The Democratic leadership faced a revolt from members, particularly those from southeastern Massachusetts, who vigorously denounced the myriad realignments in that area.

The redistricting plan was made necessary by population shifts documented in the 1990 census, which dictated that Massachusetts be represented by 10 members of Congress, down from the current 11. With Rep. Brian Donnelly of Dorchester not seeking reelection, the plan places one incumbent in each district. To do that and to satisfy a variety of other legal requirements and political agendas, lawmakers dramatically reconfigured almost every district.

In southeastern Massachusetts, for example, Gerry Studds' 10th District is stripped of New Bedford and gains Quincy, while the currently Worcester-based 3d District snakes down to Dartmouth, a New Bedford suburb.

Few of those who created the map seemed to want to take responsibility for it. Democrats blamed Weld for the strange-looking districts, saying his insistence on creating a Merrimack Valley seat forced the mapmakers to create contorted districts.

But the governor shot back, charging that Senate President William Bulger had created the problem with his demand that any new map protect Rep. Joseph Moakley, a South Boston Democrat, dean of the Massachusetts delegation and chairman of the powerful House Rules Committee.

"We accommodated Joe Moakley and then we had to put a Bulgermander around that district," Weld said. "That's {Rep. Barney} Frank's district. It's very odd looking."

When asked to explain his use of the word Bulgermandering, Weld said: "Bulgermander. It's more euphonious than Weldmander. Weldmander will never stick. It's too hard to pronounce."

Democrats however, said that in private meetings the governor was "very, very high" on efforts to protect Moakley.

Weld also boasted that he has gone far in destroying the political career of US Rep. Chester Atkins of Concord, by placing his hometown in the Merrimack Valley district.

The new seat encompasses Lowell and Lawrence, which are now in Atkins' district and where he runs poorly, but does not contain such towns as Framingham, where the congressman rolls up large victory margins.

"We settled Chet Atkins' hash by giving him his existing district," Weld said.

The reaction to the redistricting plan among incumbent congressmen, challengers and political operatives ranged from wild outrage to glee. Republican leaders especially were confident the new map enhances their chances in the fall elections. And a lot of Democrats were despondent.

"This is not a plan a partisan Democrat would have written," George Bachrach, a former Democratic state senator and a 1986 candidate for Congress, said.

State Rep. William Glodis (D-Worcester) charged the plan is a "sellout to the Republican Party."

Noting the new map's placement of Worcester in a district that extends down to Buzzards Bay, the Worcester Democrat said during debate: "I suppose I'll have to take up ship sailing."

Leon Lombardi, chairman of the state Republican Party, said the GOP is confident the new districts will yield significant gains for the party in the fall elections, but acknowledged the geographic contortions used to create the map.

"Sure, it's not terribly pretty. But it reminds me of the saying that a camel is a horse designed by committee," Lombardi said. "This is what compromise is all about. Nobody gets what they want."

Lombardi said the Republicans are confident they can capture four or five of the 10 seats. All 11 of the state's current seats are held by Democrats.

He cited the districts now held by Atkins, US Rep. Joseph Early of Worcester, John Olver of Amherst, Nicholas Mavroules of Peabody and Gerry Studds of Cohasset.

House leaders said the map represents their best efforts to compromise with Weld, who they said held the upper hand because of his ability to use a Republican bloc in the Senate to uphold a veto of a Democratic plan that was enacted last week by the Legislature.

"It's not a good plan. But it's better than no plan," Rep. James Brett (D-Dorchester), House chairman of the Legislature's Committee on Redistricting, said during the House debate.

Brett said the alternative to the Democrats accepting Weld demands is to force the issue into federal courts where a judge would draw the lines, a prospect he said is unacceptable to Democrats.

Said House Speaker Charles Flaherty (D-Cambridge): "Everyone agrees on my side of the aisle that it is an abomination, but we have to work within the system and with the Republican governor. . . . It was the best we could do under the circumstances."

In one of many references to the 19th century governor, Elbridge Gerry, whose political redistricting machinations created the word gerrymandering, Brett said, "Elbridge would be very proud of William the Governor."

Judge Edward Harrington, who has been presiding over several suits challenging the redistricting process, is expected to hear arguments tomorrow from the Republican State Committee and minority leaders as to why the court should intervene. But Harrington has said he would only intervene if he is convinced there is an impasse or that the "one person, one vote" doctrine is violated.

Faced with pressure from minority leaders to create a district with a significant minority population in which a minority's chances of being elected would be increased, the mapmakers redrew the 8th district. While the plan's architects feel the reconfigured district's 38 percent minority population is large enough to withstand a court challenge, the incumbent in that district is the popular Joseph Kennedy 2d.

The negotiated map comes 10 days after the US Supreme Court rejected a Massachusetts challenge to the 1990 federal census, which had cut the state's districts from 11 to 10. The court's decision ended months of political paralysis created by the uncertainty of the district lines.

To accommodate the various political agendas, Weld and the Democrats reconfigured the present Worcester-based district, now represented by Early to stretch from the rural towns of Rutland and Princeton, wind down through parts of the Blackstone Valley, edge along the Rhode Island border, and make its way to Westport and Dartmouth on Buzzards Bay. At one point, the district appears to be only a few hundreds yards wide.

Frank's district, which is now a thin corridor that goes from Brookline to Fall River, has a tangled, fishhook-like shape on the new map. Using narrow corridors and edging through areas that appear to have little or no population in order to make it contiguous, Frank's new district meanders into southeastern Massachusetts, losing half of Fall River to Early's district, picks up New Bedford from Studds' district, takes some Buzzards Bay communities, and them moves up into Plymouth County to West Bridgewater and Pembroke.

Studds, who is slated to become the next chairman of the House Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee if he is reelected, loses New Bedford, the region's largest fishing port.

The Republicans also forced the Democrats to accept changes to the 1st District, now represented by John Olver of Amherst. The new district removes such liberal bastions as Northampton and pushes Olver's district east and north to take in urban areas.

Meanwhile, Rep. Richard Neal of Springfield keeps his Springfield base in the 2nd District, but the district expands eastward along the Connecticut border.

SIDEBAR

Current districts and House members living in them

1st district

NEW CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS

1st district

In southeastern Massachusetts, for example, Gerry Studds' 10th District is stripped of New Bedford and gains Quincy, while the currently Worcester-based 3d District snakes down to Dartmouth, a New Bedford suburb.

To accommodate the various political agendas, [Weld] and the Democrats reconfigured the present Worcester-based district, now represented by [Joseph Early] to stretch from the rural towns of Rutland and Princeton, wind down through parts of the Blackstone Valley, edge along the Rhode Island border, and make its way to Westport and Dartmouth on Buzzards Bay. At one point, the district appears to be only a few hundreds yards wide.

[Frank]'s district, which is now a thin corridor that goes from Brookline to Fall River, has a tangled, fishhook-like shape on the new map. Using narrow corridors and edging through areas that appear to have little or no population in order to make it contiguous, Frank's new district meanders into southeastern Massachusetts, losing half of Fall River to Early's district, picks up New Bedford from Studds' district, takes some Buzzards Bay communities, and them moves up into Plymouth County to West Bridgewater and Pembroke.